The Chosen One

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The Chosen One

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Michel Tikhomiroff Max Calligaris. July 23, Retrieved April 26, Veja in Portuguese.

July 20, Retrieved June 28, MSN in Portuguese. Correio do Povo in Portuguese. Jovem Pan in Portuguese.

June 18, Retrieved June 19, September 11, Natividade City Hall in Portuguese. October 20, YouTube in Portuguese. May 17, Politically, he is a follower and figurehead: having grown up in the ever branching stream of socialist voluntary organizations, he surfed its leftward eddies, never forming or leading a faction.

He was handed a safe seat in the Illinois state senate, a nearly safe one in the U. Senate, and was surprised when Harry Reid informed him that influential Democrats wanted to run him for president.

The Democratic campaign of pushed against an open door. As president, he rides his party's center of gravity. In short, Barack Obama himself is not that remarkable.

He can give a rousing political speech, of course, but that is usually not sufficient to get oneself elected president. So, since he seems to have been reading from a teleprompter all his life, and since words certifiably his own are both few and opaque, it is most fruitful as well as relevant for us to focus on whom and what he has been following.

What accounts for his smooth, unlikely ascent? Both his advancement and his character seem most likely attributable to the network into which he was born, and out of which he never stepped for an instant.

That network's privileges, wealth, and intellectual-social proclivities always depended to some extent—and nowadays depend more than ever—on its connection with the U.

Its intellectual and moral character, like that of modern government itself, has always been on the left side of American life and, as such, has undergone splits and transmogrifications surely the most important of which in our time combines upscale social norms with radical disdain for the rest of America.

Barack Obama came of age through these. Unfortunately, that liberal Establishment has placed key facts about itself beyond public scrutiny—more in the fashion of Chicago Sicilians than of Roman pontiffs.

Here we examine some of the books and other research that shed light on Obama's origins, note at least as many questions as answers, and try to distinguish between facts and spin.

The results are necessarily conjectural, because of the nature of the available evidence. At the White House, on April 27, , Barack Obama announced the release of a "long form" birth certificate showing that he was born in Hawaii's Kapiolani hospital.

There seems to be no reason to question its validity any more than that of any dollar bill—except that Obama has played an as yet unexplained shell game with this bill since Obama had refused to release not only the birth certificate but his academic and medical records.

He indirectly, and his partisans most directly, vilified as "birthers" those who asked for this personal information a term made-to-order, implying racism, stupidity, and lower-class odors.

Nonetheless, by the spring of , several state legislatures, including Indiana's and Louisiana's, had passed or were about to pass bills requiring any candidate for federal office to show the original or original copy of his birth certificate, and providing for forensic analyses of the documents.

Obama's April 27 release amounts to what John Ehrlichman called a "modified limited hang out"—some information let out to relieve pressure for the release of more.

Had Obama done nothing he might have been banned from the ballot in any number of states; had he delayed too long, any certificate he produced would have been subject to close scrutiny.

After the disclosure, however, Democrats argued that any and all requests for Obama's personal information had now been shown to be, in the president's words, "a silly distraction.

But there was never anything silly, nor light-hearted, nor casual, about Barack Obama's efforts to keep the public's eyes from the basic facts of his life, from birth to his candidacy for president.

On the contrary, this opacity is a deliberate policy. The presumptive answer, absent testimony from those involved, is to ensure that real facts interfere as little as possible with the image and narrative that he and his associates have carefully crafted for him.

Distinguishing between reality and that narrative would require above all a skeptical attitude, sure to be characterized by Democrats and the media in the most derogatory terms.

According to hagiography, Barack Obama was born to a hippy girl from an insignificant family and raised in poor circumstances, out of which he rose through brilliance.

Yet his haughty demeanor, his stilted language when off the teleprompter, his cultural likes and dislikes, bespeak an upbringing in an environment at once so upscale and so leftist that it makes him almost a foreigner to ordinary Americans.

No one raised in ordinary American circumstances, much less straitened ones, would cite with a straight face, as Obama did, the price of arugula at Whole Foods, the yuppie boutique, as an example of the cost of living.

No one at home in American culture could refer to a U. Marine medical corpsman as a "corpse-man. How many American college kids would describe, as did Obama, his studying with Marxist professors as an attempt not to look like a "sell out"?

Obama's official story is counterintuitive. Consistent with the Barack Obama we know, however, are his real family, his real upbringing, and his real choices of profession and associates.

His mother's parents, who raised him, seem to have been cogs in the U. His mother spent her life and marriages, and birthed her children, working in that machine.

For paradigms of young Barack's demeanor, proclivities, opinions, language, and attitudes one need look no further than the persons who ran the institutions that his mother and grandparents served—e.

It is here, with these people and institutions, that one should begin to unravel the unknowns surrounding him.

Two new books deal with Barack Obama's paternal and maternal families. Generally fact-filled, it gives vivid portraits especially of Barack, Sr.

The closer the book gets to the present, however, the less trustworthy it becomes. For example, it tells us that Mboya organized the airlift of Africans to study in America, bypassing the U.

State Department. This was high U. The CIA considered Mboya one of its most important covert action agents. The people chosen by him and the CIA to go to America were his flunkies.

But the book is irrelevant to understanding the current president of the United States because his African family had only a biological influence on him.

Indeed, Barack Obama's African-ness is, as we shall see, strictly the product of his imagination. But though this book tells us that grandmother Madelyn Dunham's favorite color was beige, that Stanley Dunham and daughter Ann Barack, Jr.

Magically, Ann Dunham goes from peeking her shy year-old head out of Mercer Island, Washington "a young virgin," writes Janny Scott , to intimacy with a very foreign person, and a few years later with another, and then to work in one of the Cold War's key battlegrounds.

Meanwhile her mother, about whose professional activities the book says nothing, becomes a bank executive. Did Ann speak any foreign language?

Had the Dunhams ever taken any trips abroad? The book does not say. It certainly was not for her employers—the U. Self-styled investigative journalist Wayne Madsen reports that Madelyn Dunham, the mother of Barack's mother, Ann Dunham, who became vice president of the Bank of Hawaii soon after her arrival there, was in charge of escrow accounts.

Madsen's credibility is certainly checkered. But if he is correct about which department she headed, Madelyn Dunham must have supervised the accounts that the U.

Vice President Madelyn Dunham, in charge of these very matters and hence necessarily "witting" as they say at Langley , would have had to be more than a small cog in the machine.

People do not rise to such stations from one day to the next. Again, if Madsen is correct, two photos belie the portrait of her husband Stanley Dunham, Barack's grandfather, whom young Barry called father, as an insignificant furniture salesman.

One, in the early s, shows Stanley with his daughter, Ann, wearing the insignia of Beirut's elite French language school, Notre Dame de Jamhour.

Was the family ever in Lebanon? How did Dad get the sweater? Another photo, published in a Honolulu newspaper in , shows Stanley Dunham escorted by uniformed U.

Navy officers, greeting Barack Obama, Sr. The greeting photo suggests that Dunham may well have been one of these, and hence that the Kenyan did not meet Dunham's daughter, Ann, in a classroom.

This would fit the chronology: Classes started on September Ann was pregnant by early November. Anyone and everyone knew that Barack Obama, Sr.

How big a part of his attractiveness to her, and hence how big a reason for the pregnancy that produced Barack, Jr. Yet Ann's second child was born in a marriage to another such person at the East-West Center.

This was arguably the CIA's most significant covert operation, the replacement between and of Indonesia's dictator Sukarno with the Suharto regime that lasted until Few people on the face of the earth did not realize how important a struggle this was.

After the overthrow, Ann ran a "micro-financing" project, financed by the Ford Foundation, in Indonesia's most vulnerable areas.

Supervising the funding at Ford in the late '60s was Peter Geithner, whose son would eventually serve hers as U. While running a project for five years in Pakistan, she lived in Lahore's Hilton International.

Nothing small time, never mind hippyish. In sum, though the only evidence available is circumstantial, Barack Obama, Jr.

The leading members of the U. Here are a few examples. Howard P. Jones, U. Ann Dunham's second husband, Lolo Soetoro, returned from the East-West Center to Jakarta to help in the struggle that the coup had begun.

Another of Ann's employers, the Ford Foundation's international affairs division, was led by Stephen Cohen, who had come to Ford from the directorship of the International Association of Cultural Freedom, previously known as the Congress for Cultural Freedom CCF , which organized countless left-leaning American academics into a corps lavishly financed by the CIA to promote social democracy around the world, and to staff many of the councils on foreign relations that spread around America in the s.

Among the participants were countless actual and future college presidents, including Richard C. Gilman, who ran Occidental when young Barack Obama enrolled there in In those years, any number of companies were CIA fronts, including Business International Corporation, which gave young Obama his first job after graduation from college.

Perhaps these are only coicidences. More importantly, U. Any serious attempt to sketch this network would result in something like an x-ray of the American ruling class's skeleton.

The point here is that this network was formed precisely to help the careers of kindred folk, while ruining those of others, and to move the requisite money and influence unaccountably, erasing evidence that it had done so.

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